Back to April 1st, 1940

Obviously a piece of wartime propaganda but isn't it time that we took a serious look at the "Bader myth"?

Frankly, I haven't much time for Bader. (And before anyone says anything along the lines of "But you can't understand what he had to go through." I have to state that I am also an amputee. Please read some of my comments with that in mind.)

I've never been a fighter pilot, though I have held a PPL. (OTOH, the instructor did say that he felt safer with me at 100 mph in a car; he was right.) However, my study of history suggests that WW2 marked a turning point in fighter aviation - from the barnstorming, independent amateur to the disciplined technocrat. In my opinion, Bader never made the transition. He was lucky on two counts: he was the only man with sufficient seniority at the time when he got command and he was even more lucky in having Leigh-Mallory as a patron. My theory is that he was mentally unsuited to the role of fighter pilot, even by the standards of 1940.

In 1940, a fighter pilot was one element in a complex system. He had to be able to take orders, follow instructions, up until the point that an interception was made. Bader never mastered this. He was always lacking in discipline - witness his 1931 crash which was the result of a remark by a fellow pilot about the Bulldog's handling characteristics. A GOOD pilot would have recognised the truth - the Bulldog was not a good aircraft.

Bader was prone to elementary mistakes. E.g. on 40.03.31 when he crashed Spitfire K9858 on takeoff because he forgot to put the propeller in fine pitch. Cockpit drills are supposed to prevent such errors - which are all too likely in the heat of the moment - but Bader could never be bothered with such things.

On 40.06.13, landing at night and in rain, he completely misjudged the flarepath and wrote off another aircraft in in conditions where a less arrogant pilot would have called a missed approach. [OK, conjecture; Iwasn't there.]

Much of the evidence surrounding the Bader Myth is contradictory. Brickhill (Reach for the Sky) has Bader assiduously following Air Ministry doctrine; Burns (Bader: the man and his men) has him challenging such idiocies as "Fighter Attack Number N". What is the truth? Certainly, Forrester (Fly for your life) suggests that Bader was a long way behind Tuck in seeing the merits of the German's "finger four" formation.
Indeed, Burns has Bader instructing his men, prior to and during Operation Dynamo, on the niceties of attacking in vics of three and concentrating on formation aerobatics. If Forrester is to be believed, Tuck abandoned such ideas within 24 hours.
Again, Burns speaks many times of Bader's delight in, illegal, low level aerobatics. Very much the "fighter jock" image, but ignoring the fact that fighter jocks are expensive to train and a finite resource - as we came close to finding to our cost in the Battle of Britain.

For me, much of the difference between Bader and Tuck is summed up in the famous exchange between the pair at Martlesham Heath (only a few miles down the road from here) on 40.05.28:

Bader: What's the form, old boy?

Tuck [Tired after several days of ops over Dunkirk; Bader had not yet
seen combat.]: Haven't a clue. We're all waiting to find out, aren't we.
[pause] It's all right - we know you're all bloody keen.

[Bader snorts and walks away.]

Tuck [Referring to Bader's silk scarf.]: By the way ... old boy ...
[implied sarcasm in both Forrester and Burns] I wouldn't fly with that
thing round your [sic] neck.

Bader: Why the hell [sic; Tuck said otherwise] shouldn't I?

Tuck: Because if you have to jump, it'll catch on something and you'll
hang your silly self, that's why.

On that same day, Bader led his squadron in vics of three, each covered
by a "weaver"; Tuck used the "finger four".

True, Bader abandoned such tactics a few days later, apparently at the suggestion of Al Deere, but unlike Deere and Tuck he could not work it out for himself.

Finally, there is the question of the "Big Wing" theory. Personally, I think that Bader was used by Leigh-Mallory in his feud with Park and Dowding. However, it must be recognised that Bader's theories were developed from his position in 12 Group (N. of the River Thames) and failed to take account of the much faster reaction times required by 11 Group (S. of Thames). Logically, 11 Group had to attack the incoming enemy while 12 Group's job was to protect 11 Group's airfields. This Bader's and Leigh-Mallory's strategy signally failed to do. Luckily, the Germans switched their attention to London before the Big Wing policy could do tooo much damage.

In some senses - and I'm sure I'll get some flack for this one - Bader and Göring  were different sides of the same coin: as Göring  is alleged to have said: "Modern aircraft contain boxes with coils and I don't like boxes with coils." (No one, including Len Deighton and Alfred Price, has ever been able to give me a source for this quotation; any offers?) My own - highly subjective - opinion is that Bader felt the same way.

To sum up: IMHO, he was a moderate pilot, steeped in the ideas of 1918, and unable to accept discipline. Burns also makes much of |Bader's experiences at Shell (1931-39), saying that the experience taught him how to get his way with higher management. Personally, I doubt this; as junior management, Bader would have been rigidly insulated from higher management by those above him. Nothing against the chap personally, but I'd rather have had Stanford Tuck as my wingman. (Or, OTOH, I would rather have been Tuck's wingman. OK, I'm a bit pro Tuck, who, IMHO, never got the recognition he desrved; but, OTOH, he did grow excellent mushrooms and in 1972(?3) I met him; I never met Bader. Tuck had very good taste in both beer and whiskey. [Spelling deliberate.])

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